From the Blog

Struggling after the fact to put my conflicting feelings about Django Unchained and Quentin Tarantino into words, I came up with this: Tarantino never makes films in the genres he admires. Rather, he borrows the trappings of genre to talk about subjects he finds important. With Inglourious Basterds, Tarantino used the trappings of a war film to tell a story about the language of cinema as it relates to national identity*. Django Unchained dresses up like a Western, but its meaning should, well, be obvious.

It’s not only possible to get a good education in America – best high schools and colleges – without knowing just how bad slavery was, it’s pretty damned likely. This isn’t to say that we never covered slavery in civics class, or that our teachers overlooked Black History Month. But the narrative that most folks would agree to is that slavery was this awful thing that happened long ago, but the Civil War fixed it, and then racism just kept happening for some reason, but then Martin Luther King fixed that, and that’s why we get the day off. We don’t really get how bad slavery was, not in the gut. Six hundred thousand people kidnapped from Africa. Four million slaves in America at the dawn of the Civil War. Iron shackles on bare calves, knotted whips on bare flesh, starving in wooden pens that reek of shit. An evil on par with the Holocaust, an industry that was so ingrained in the infrastructure of this country that the regions that profited the most off it – like Mississippi, the setting of most of the film – are miserable pits today.

Tarantino’s tendency toward excess, which I’ve always had a hard time with, serves him well here. We’ve all seen after-school specials and 19th-century woodcuts on the evils of slavery, but nothing makes you recoil like seeing Kerry Washington getting whipped by a sweating, ugly slaver while her husband not only pleads with the overseer to let her go, but pleads with her in the language of his oppressors: how master wouldn’t want a good house nigger marked up. After a few displays like that, including one pivotal scene I won’t spoil, you’ll cheer when Jamie Foxx, as Django, pulls his pistols. The shootout scenes are equally indulgent – they literally wallow in blood – but are well deserved.

Sylvia and I parted ways on Leonardo DiCaprio’s performance. I bought into the caricature he was going for: the plantation owner with the Satanic profile, right down to the devilish goatee and dinner jacket; the spoiled brat grown up, still looking like a boy as DiCaprio always will, living in a paradise called Candieland and talking about how well he knows black folks. But DiCaprio’s never been a subtle actor, and if you can’t take that you won’t quite like him. I don’t know that I’m qualified to comment on the whole spiderweb of controversy surrounding Samuel L. Jackson’s character, save that it felt legit to me. Sylvia also pointed out that Kerry Washington’s character didn’t have much to do beyond the “damsel in distress” role, which is sadly true.

Tarantino’s drive to load a film with every cool bit he can think of hurts the overall narrative, as it always does. While every distinct scene is entertaining or moving, the whole is less than the sum of its parts. There were scenes I laughed out loud at that I would still suggest cutting. At two hours and fifteen minutes, the movie could have been a masterpiece. As it is, the length doesn’t take away from the gripping power of the most visceral scenes, but it does take away from the overall composition. See it once on the big screen to see what it does to your gut; after that, you probably don’t need to see it again.

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* Also, as with Basterds, the ostensive subject of the film, as depicted in the trailer, is discarded in the first 30 minutes. Oh, the Brittle brothers, yup, that’s them over there. I wonder if trailer editors have a hard time turning Tarantino’s bloated films into enticing packages, or if Tarantino perhaps salts enough narrative in there to give the marketing team something to play with.

I thought I had another post lined up for Friday, but I guess I’m talking about President Obama’s birth certificate.

In its racial aspects, this is an ugly moment. As Baratunde Thurston put it, it’s not shocking to hear a rich white man asking a black man for his papers in America, except that this is April 2011. And there’s no question that this is about race. Not to suggest that the Opposition Party is furious at Obama because he’s black. They’re furious at him because he’s Ruling Party. If he were white, they’d go after every alleged mistress of his until they found one that stuck. Different tactics, same intensity. But, being a black man, it’s easy to accuse him of Otherness. No one ever thinks to accuse powerful white men of secretly being foreign citizens, even if they were born in Panama.*

But if we consider this as a narrative about power, it becomes more complicated.

Barack Obama was born in the United States. He knew that; it wasn’t a surprise to him. Knowing that, he could watch the manufactured furor over his birthplace with detachment. He had the ability to put it to a stop the first time it came up. But he let it go for two and a half years (not counting his candidacy). Why? We can construct a story about his need to focus on the real issues, and the weirdness of America’s radical fringe, but Ockham prefers simple explanation. He did it because it helped him. He let the speculation go because it furthered his interests, and he stopped it once he thought it didn’t.

Barack Obama is a President who surfed to Washington on a wave of progressive sentiment and Ruling Party enthusiasm. He has since broken or ignored several of his campaign promises (especially the ones about transparency), prosecuted wars in five separate countries, tossed America’s working poor to the insurance companies like a gristly bone into a pack of dogs, granted protections both explicit and implicit to criminal financiers, lawbreaking telecom companies and torturers, and increased government spending even more than the last guy, who we all agree was pretty bad. Doing things like that, consistently and flagrantly and energetically, tends to disillusion the base. And when you’ve got a disillusioned base, there’s only two ways to get them back to your side: live up to the things they expect of you, or make the other side look terrifying.

“I can’t vote against the Ruling Party! You saw what happened when I voted for Nader in 2000! What if Trump gets elected?” Donald Trump will never receive a Presidential nomination. It’s not going to happen. The Opposition Party may do a bit of VP stunt casting come sweeps week, but for the foreseeable future, the face of the ticket will be a craggy white politician who polls well in the South. Trump neither owes nor is owed favors by anyone of note inside the Beltway. None of the kingmakers want him in the palace. Once you’ve been in a Pizza Hut commercial, the Oval Office is forever barred to you.

Donald Trump is too dumb to be a threat. But letting the birth certificate “debate” go on for two and a half years is a great way to keep the Ruling Party afraid of Trump and his ilk. And ending the debate by producing definitive documentation – documentation that’s existed for nearly fifty years – is a great way to earn a quick win for Team Blue. It leaves the Opposition Party with little choice but to either disavow their most excitable faction or to double down on a ridiculous claim. “Why did it take him so long to produce it?” the birthers whine. “Why is it only surfacing now?” Because you’re no longer useful to the President, guys. Go home.

* UPDATE: Ed over at Gin and Tacos gives a few examples of prior presidents and candidates who had disputable citizenship by birth, if you wanted to make a thing over it.

Mar
18

Sorry to disagree with you, everyone on the Internet, but I wasn’t impressed with Barack Obama’s big speech on Tuesday.

Obama took the pulpit today to denounce some speeches made by his pastor, the Reverend Jeremiah Wright, over the last six years. Apparently, Rev. Wright suggested that “the United States brought the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on itself and say blacks continue to be mistreated by whites.”

Here we have a problem with proper nouns. The “United States” can refer to a number of different things. It can refer to:

  1. a particular region of land defined on a map;
  2. the people living within its borders – you, me, that guy sitting next to you, the people on the street, etc;
  3. a set of shared historical and cultural ideals – truth, justice, the American way, democracy, etc;
  4. the policy of the governing body that claims a monopoly of force over the aforementioned region – the laws passed by Congress, the actions ordered by the President and the movement of armed forces carrying the U.S. flag.

Osama bin Laden had a particular grievance with the United States (4), in the presence of troops in Saudi Arabia and Somalia. Because of his radical religious beliefs, he also has issues with the United States (3). So he recruited a number of sleeper agents to infiltrate the United States (1) and carry out attacks on the United States (2).

The outrage comes because citizens of the United States (2) tend to connect, implicitly or openly, the ideals of the United States (3) with its actions abroad (4). They also identify strongly with those actions in their own selves (2), seeing them as a reflection of their democratic voice. However, #1, 2, 3 and 4 are entirely different entities which can – and usually do – contradict. Witness Bush declaring, “We do not torture.” Witness leftists declaring, “Bush is not our President.” To believe either of those statements, you have to ignore – or even worse, embrace – the contradictions between the U.S.’s citizens, culture and elected officials.

So it is with the Rev. Wright’s statement. To believe that the U.S. brought the attacks of September 11th “on itself,” you have to believe that #2, #3 and #4 are one and the same – that every action the U.S. takes abroad, from funding anti-Sandinista rebels in Nicaragua to bombing Cambodia to sending CIA agents to Cuba to firebombing Dresden to occupying the Philippines – reflects the will and culture of the people living in Delacroix, Denver and Des Moines. You call yourself a U.S. citizen so, apparently, every dead Iraqi baby is all your fault. Oops.

To reject the Reverend’s notion, you have to reject the idea that democracy does what it says on the tin – that it creates a government responsive to the explicit desires of the civilians it governs. Sometimes people who ran in open elections start secret wars. Sometimes the U.S. lends its name to torturers and thugs. But if you accept that you are ruled by forces out of your control, it’s not an issue.

One or the other. Take your pick.

Obama, of course, doesn’t take his pick. He doesn’t cling to the balm of the democratic process and say that yes, you voted for Nixon and Carter and Reagan and Bush and Clinton and Bush again, and therefore those dead Vietnamese and Cambodians and Laotians and Grenadians and Iraqis are on your head. And of course he doesn’t say, “Sure, vote for whoever makes you feel good, but the U.S. will continue to conduct extraordinary renditions and cover operations and bombing campaigns all over the world.”

Rather, he embraces the contradiction. He says that the Reverend Wright’s comments are “not only wrong but divisive.” Really? Not only wrong but divisive? Being wrong isn’t sufficient? If the Reverend’s comments were right but divisive, would you object? If they were wrong but unifying, would you stay silent? Is divisiveness not an inherently wrong thing, such that you have to call it out?

You can accuse me of nitpicking over word choice, but if I have to accept this man on the quality of his rhetoric – as so many other people are – then I’m going to take my time double-checking it. Barack Obama said that the Reverend Wright’s statements about America are wrong. He doesn’t say in what way. Barack Obama said that the Reverend Wright’s statements about race were divisive. He doesn’t say what would unify. Barack Obama takes the controversial maverick stance of saying, “I disagree with this person you don’t like,” puts a little more wear on some platitudes about investing in schools and rebuilding the economy, and people get giddy!

Update: Yes, I read the part about “binding our particular grievances to the larger aspirations of all Americans.” And about “providing this generation with ladders of opportunity.” What do those words mean?

Reverend Wright may be wrong. That doesn’t make Barack Obama right.